-IN THE ORIGINAL REGISTERED LETTER TO PETER JENNINGS, THE NOTE TO HIM WAS ABOVE THE DOCUMENT TITLE AND LIST.
GIVEN THE NOTE'S LENGTH, I CHOOSE TO PUT THE NOTE BELOW THE TITLE HERE...ACCOMPANIED BY THIS NOTE ABOVE BOTH.

1) one-page statement to Mr. Peter Jennings, dated September 1, 1988; with attached copy of December 3, 1984 New York Times article, "Dispute Snarls Project For Democracy Abroad".

2) copies of pages 1.-3. of July, 1988 report to President Ronald Reagan.

3) correspondence copies according to separate list provided.

4) List of Contents for submission; with note to Mr. Jennings included and copy of 22 February 1988 statement from Botha regime's C.M. Lloyd on reverse.

"An iron law of scandal is that no matter how grave or trivial the initial offense, the press will inevitably reduce the issue to a simple question of honesty."
--from "The Quayle Quagmire",
August 29, 1988 Time

Mr. Jennings: The correspondence copies enclosed equivalize those disclosed to Frederic Van Zyl Slabbert,¹ the former South Africa Parliament apartheid opposition leader, aside from what was received after the June 24, 1988 mailing date of registered letter #3580 to him (as marked).
When i met Donald Woods,¹ the former South Africa journalist and author of the two books Sir Richard Attenborough's film, "Cry Freedom", is based on, in this city on May 26, 1988, and explained to him that i made the Christmas, 1987 submission to PRESIDENT OF SOUTH AFRICA Pieter W. Botha because i wanted to send another registered letter to Archbishop Desmond Tutu and didn't think Pretoria would let it be received by him unless the Botha regime knew its contents, he winked knowingly at me.
When Dr. Slabbert and i met here on June 1, 1988, he also expressed agreement. I think it's evident i should send Desmond and Dr. Slabbert copies of the correspondence i've received since June 24, 1988--appreciating the significance of the letters you see from Mike Dukakis and Mrs. Alan Paton (as well as the significance of having not yet received anything from President Reagan).
This would mean i'll have to make another submission to Pretoria, noting in it the possibility the reprieves for "The Sharpeville Six" were granted due to my plea(s) on their behalf.
This likely will result in widespread publicity.²
I'd also point out here that the Soviets' release of West German Mathias Rust may relate to the affixation on page 3. of the first portion of my likely final report as SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S PRESIDENT for Ronald Reagan (though i have not disclosed a copy of this to the Soviets).
This coincidence is so obvious now that i'll have to ask Mikhail Gorbachev if there is a correlation...just as i'll finally have to ask him if they released Dr. Andrei Sakharov and American journalist Nicholas Daniloff in response to my August 6, 1986 submission to the Soviet General Secretary or purely out of "good will" (the Reagan "peace through strength" doctrine not seeming relevant). And after lengthy delays chiefly prompted by the investigations of "Irangate" by "The Tower Commission", the U.S. Congressional Iran-Contra Committee, and INDEPENDENT SPECIAL PROSECUTOR Lawrence Walsh, i soon will have to fulfill the promise made to "The Arab League" in my last statement to them, on August 18, 1986 c/o UNITED NATIONS ASSISTANT SECRETARY-GENERAL Göran Ohlin--whom i met in this city on April 26, 1986--and formally submit to "The Islamic Conference Organization" a copy of that August, 1986 statement to "The Arab League".
I'm frankly not satisfied that the completed investigations of "Irangate" have revealed everything of relevance to these "concerns" and continuing international tensions, so as i note, i've been waiting patiently (and anxiously) to receive instructions from President Reagan telling me how he would have me continue and/or complete the "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct basis" precisely to his satisfaction.
My point, sir, is that in any or all of these fields...widespread publicity² could emerge at anytime, and i decided ABC News should be in a position to get in touch with me when it needs to.

Not being a politician or a political appointee, i've been very reluctant to be drawn too far into the present U.S. election campaign.
But if i don't hear from President Reagan soon, he leaves me in a position of knowing facts also known by the South Africans, the Soviets, and the Arabs...that haven't been explained to the American electorate and world, of holding still the authority on behalf of the United Nations and being responsible for completing that work, and, according to the terms of the original agreement governing the SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S. PRESIDENT authority--forced to indicate that apparently one campaigning party isn't adverse to providing the electorate with the truth, while the other one, now holding power, is.

As we should recall, Jimmy Carter worked down to the very last minute of his presidency to ensure the safe release of the U.S. diplomat hostages in Iran.

It's impossible not to consider this as our "concerns" continue for Terry Anderson, Joseph Cicippio, William Higgins, Robert Polhill, Frank Reed, Alann Steen, Thomas Sutherland, Edward Tracy, and Jesse Turner and their families--as well as the non-American hostages still being held in Lebanon.
If you discern disillusionment with the Reagan Administration policymaking in the enclosure addressed to the present U.S. President, one trusts it will be clarified by this brief elaboration of "(my) present situation."

I am about to apply for 1976-78 document copies from "The Freedom of Information Clearing House" in Washington. My personal files (not "shredded" like those of Oliver North et al) date back only to 1979.
It was my understanding that at least up to January 20, 1981 (when HR 13500 took effect), there were no confidentiality classifications applied to the documentation inclusive of my reports and work during that period.
Recently there was a press report on Pentagon "concerns" that adversarial interests abroad might be obtaining classified information from U.S. libraries. I realize that George Bush, during his 1976 tenure as CIA DIRECTOR, may have seen some reports about the work inclusive of my involvement pass over his desk. Certainly he should have seen documents since when i filed reports to President Reagan as he is a member of the U.S. National Security Council, which logically would have had such documentation brought to its attention due to the evident fields of my work.
The single attachment to my formal statement to you is term of reference 1) c) to my Christmas, 1987 statement to P.W. Botha, copies of which were originally included in my January 5, 1985 and February 7, 1985 submissions to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and U.S. SENATOR Edward Kennedy respectively.

If you wish document copies, at your request i am able to provide them, according to the 1978 "legal agreement" re My SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S. PRESIDENT authority with the Carter Administration...unless President Reagan now instructs me otherwise.

¹-THERE IS FURTHER INSIGHT INTO MY MEETINGS WITH THE DISTINGUISHED SOUTH AFRICAN AUTHOR AND FORMER LEADER OF THE COUNTRY'S POLITICAL OPPOSITION PARTY TO BE FOUND IF YOU TAKE A BRIEF SIDESTEP HERE.

²--ON THE SUBJECT OF "PUBLICITY", I WOULD URGE VISITORS TO THIS AWARD-WINNING WEBSITE TO TAKE A BRIEF SERIES OF SIDESTEPS HERE AS I CAN FORESEE SUCH "PUBLICITY" AS IT DESCRIBES BECOMING AN ISSUE AGAIN THIS YEAR OR IN THE TIME FRAME OF WHAT YOU FIND IF YOU TAKE YOUR NEXT FOOTSTEP HERE.