Gordon C. Wong, SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S. PRESIDENT,SENIOR ADVISER TO THE YEAR OF THE CHILD,P.O. Box 1236,
Vancouver, British Columbia,
Canada, V6C 2T1,
May 10, 1986.Gordon C. Wong,
SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S. PRESIDENT,
SENIOR ADVISER TO THE YEAR OF THE CHILD,
P.O. Box 1236,
Vancouver, British Columbia,
Canada, V6C 2T1,
May 10, 1986.
Mr. Norman Webster,
c/o the Globe and Mail,
444 Front St., W.,
Toronto M5V 2S9,
Ontario, Canada.
Mr. Webster:
I trust that the Globe and Mail received my April, 1986 submission re my "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct basis." Presumably, Richard J. Doyle, the newspaper's former editor and now Canadian senator, left behind the document copies provided for him in 1982--so you understand the terms of reference for making that and this submission.
As i write this in early May, i haven't received any responses from the Canadian press to those submissions containing adequate justifications for public awareness and understanding of what the Canadian press failed to report during the final years of Pierre E. Trudeau's prime ministry. And the submissions made clear that without this public awareness and understanding, many innocent people may suffer.
I am providing you with a copy of the follow-up statement to "The Vancouver Centennial Peace Festival" participants, so you now realize i did speak to Archbishop Desmond Tutu twice on April 2, 1986. And if you doubt that the calls were monitored as i suggest, let me point out that on April 29, 1986, six days after i sent the registered letter to Archbishop Tutu and about when he would be receiving it, Botha asked South African black leaders for peace talks--which would be entirely consistent with the means provided by me through provision of those document copies. I am presently writing you, sir, in relation to this continuing work--with the Archbishop due to be in Canada later this month--but first i want to advise you of a May 8, 1986 development. The acknowledgement of receipt for registered letter #00519 to Georgi Arbatov of "The U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences" (mentioned in some detail in the enclosure) was returned to me without any markings confirming or denying receipt. Maybe i'm jumping to conclusions--time and some checking will tell--but it seems the Soviets have figured out a way to force the issue finally of what Ottawa and Washington will do in response to my "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct basis" since 1977-78. If i don't receive a response as requested from the Soviets by May 24, 1986, i cannot conclude that this indicates they wish my communications with them to be ended unless i confirm receipt of the first registered letter. I've been advised this process could easily take "six to eight months," depending upon the Soviet willingness to be cooperative. In the meantime, should not the other participants contacted be sent registered letters advising them of this new "situation"? And beyond that, shouldn't another series of registered letters to clarify the results of the doublechecking be promised? Well and good, but Ottawa and Washington haven't settled the salary dispute issue for me yet and i doubt that i can afford these added costs.
I will advise the Canadian press further after consulting with the Prime Minister about how he intends to respond to the matter.
I am actually writing you presently in regards to the Globe and Mail's April 23, 1986 publication of South Africa Embassy counsellor Klaus W. Praekelt's letter re Nelson Mandela--titled by you, 'Mandela alleged to have Soviet links'.
When i first read the Praekelt letter, it reminded me of something i read in Donald Woods' book, 'Biko', regarding "The African National Congress" and its alleged links to the Soviets--expressed by Nelson Mandela. It would be better if you actually referred to the book yourself if you want to understand the A.N.C. policy origins and goals in other than the rationalized explanation provided by the South African Embassy, but i will quote some of what Mr. Mandela said on the subject during his April 20, 1964 opening defence statement to the sabotage, conspiracy to overthrow the government by revolution, and assistance in an armed invasion of South African by foreign troops charges--for which he is still imprisoned.